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Elections and the labor law outlook
There are three vacancies on the five-member National Labor Relations Board. The NLRB administers the nation’s labor laws regulating union activity.
The U.S. Senate has been blocking most appointments to the federal courts in anticipation that a Democrat in the White House will appoint more liberal, anti-business judges. These vacancies are delaying important decisions.
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According to the Wall Street Journal, this presidential election will be about the economy, not Iraq, foreign policy, or homeland security.
I can guarantee that this election will not be about labor and employment laws, except to the extent that the winner appoints judges, NLRB members, and Department of Labor officials inclined to be sympathetic either to business or labor.
If a Democrat wins the White House, the flood of pro-union and anti-business legislation coming out of Congress will drown many employers.
Ironically, some of the most progressive labor and employment laws have come out of Republican administrations. Richard Nixon was president when OSHA was created, and he was responsible for the current affirmative action requirements adopted by the federal government.
George Bush the elder changed the civil rights laws by signing amendments providing for punitive damages, jury trials, and an easier burden of proof for employees; he also signed the Americans With Disabilities Act.
So, there is no guarantee that John McCain — in an effort to show he can reach deals with the Democrats — will not agree to pro-labor legislation.
In other words, we can expect change in the nation’s labor and employment laws regardless of who becomes president. Anti-discrimination laws have an emotional appeal to legislators and voters. After all, do we really want people fired because of their race, sex, age, pregnancy, national origin, sexual preference, disability, or any other factor over which they have no control? Of course not, but that’s not how these laws actually work.
What happens in many cases is that employees protected by these laws are, in fact, terrible employees who deserve to be fired. Yet, employers are reluctant to take action against such employees out of fear of being sued. Further, no termination is absolutely perfect, and a good plaintiff’s lawyer can make it look like the employer’s reasons for discharge are less than air tight.
Consequently, these cases are decided by judges and/or agency officials appointed by the president, and these judges and officials have biases, regardless of their statements of impartiality.
In another irony, many times the real victims of discrimination — yes, there are still victims — take no action at all. Instead of suing their former employers, they go to work for their competitors and do a great job. An employer who fires a good employee for bad reasons never survives long anyway.
Getting back to the importance of presidential appointments, if a judge has a business background, he or she tends to understand that running a business is difficult, and he or she tends to see things more from a management perspective.
If a judge has a government background, or has represented unions and employees, he or she tends to bring a bias against employers to the job. Every time a situation needing interpretation is presented to the court, there is a tendency to favor employees over employers.
The next few years will see a further shift toward pro-employee legislation and judicial decisions. It will become far more important to perform personnel actions with skill and documentation. Judges will need to be convinced, more than ever, that the employee deserved to be fired (or denied the promotion or wage increase).
The Democrats regained control of Congress in 2006 because of Iraq. The effect, however, will be a climate even less friendly toward business. Only the prepared employer has a chance of making it through the next four years.
Frank Kollman is a partner in the law firm of Kollman & Saucier
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